Wednesday 23 October 2013

Museveni was once cheerleader of ICC; what went wrong?

By NORBERT MAO | Tuesday, October 22   2013 at  11:18
Yoweri Museveni in supplication. PHOTO | NATION MEDIA GROUP 
How has Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni moved from being a top cheerleader of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to one of its most virulent critics? Has he got legitimate concerns or is it a question of self-serving fear and egoism?
Listen to Museveni addressing the UN General Assembly in September. “...the ICC in a shallow, biased way has continued to mishandle complex African issues. This is not acceptable. The ICC should stop. Our advice to them is from very capable actors who know what they are doing and saying. Kenya is recovering. Let her recover. We know the origin of the past mistakes. The ICC way is not the right one to handle those mistakes.”
All right thinking people should be dismayed by the hypocrisy of the President on the ICC. In his speech at the UN, Mr Museveni rubbished the ICC’s involvement in the post-election violence cases in Kenya. Earlier, he had attended the AU summit and was one of the key critics of the ICC, even threatening that AU members should leave the ICC.
Yet it is Museveni who was a cheerleader of the ICC from its inception. He became the first leader to refer a case to the ICC when in 2004 he referred the case of the rebel Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) to the ICC. In 2003, a year after the ICC became operational, President Museveni appeared jointly with then ICC Chief Prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, to announce that Uganda had decided to refer the crimes committed by the LRA to the ICC.
The announcement made headlines globally. It was a shot in the arm for the newly created court. Both Ocampo and his ‘complainant’ beamed for the cameras.
Fast forward to 2006 and the LRA continued to run rings around the Ugandan army. Museveni kept pledging that by the end of the dry season the LRA would be history. The suffering people of northern Uganda wondered which dry season Museveni meant as he had been making the same promise since 1996!
Meanwhile in 2005, the Sudan peace deal was finally signed. Even though the death of John Garang brought some doubts about the future, the new leader of South Sudan, Mr Salva Kiir, came to Kampala to celebrate the 2006 NRM anniversary, carrying a video recording of a meeting between his then Vice President Dr Riek Machar and the LRA leader Joseph Kony. He told Museveni that his government could broker peace between the LRA and the Uganda government.
To the annoyance of the ICC, Museveni announced that his government would talk to the LRA. When asked about the fate of the ICC indictments, Museveni said he would ‘talk to the ICC to withdraw the indictments’.
Awkward situation
That year I sat in a meeting where international law expert Barney Afako gave Museveni a crash course on the legal terrain the Juba peace process was navigating. Museveni was told plainly that only the UN Security Council could suspend the warrants of arrest and allow for a domestic justice and accountability process, which must pass the test of being enough to make the ICC process unnecessary.
During the Juba peace talks, Museveni paid lip service to domestic processes but never made any move to have the warrants of arrest against the LRA commanders withdrawn. The ICC on the other hand kept making disruptive media statements to the effect that the peace talks will not deter it from pursuing the LRA indictees.
The ICC’s shadow around the Juba process also made us to re-examine our domestic system. In cases of mass murders of citizens by dictators or rebels, Africa’s domestic systems are still drastically wanting.
What has happened now that Museveni is rubbishing a court he has previously championed? Why has he become a defender of those wanted by the ICC?
The reasons are not difficult to find. Given the determination of the ICC to go after sitting heads of state, Museveni finds himself in an awkward situation. Heads of state like Sudan’s Omar al-Bashir and Kenya’s Uhuru Kenyatta enjoy immunity under the constitutions of their respective countries but the ICC Statutes can override even presidential immunity.
Could it be that in mourning for Kenyatta, Museveni is mourning for himself? If truth be told, Museveni’s tirade against the ICC in New York is pure hypocrisy. Unless a country is unable or unwilling to deal with particular cases, the ICC will not come in.
In the case of Bashir, the Khartoum regime has been adamant over war crimes in Darfur. In the Kenyatta case, it is the Kenya parliament that voted to refer the cases to the ICC, arguing that local courts were not likely to guarantee fair trials.
With due respect, this time Museveni is on the wrong side of history. Only the ICC can stand as a reminder to all perpetrators of impunity that there will be a day of reckoning. Museveni dreads the day of reckoning. That is his real problem with the International Criminal Court.
Mr Mao is the president of Uganda's Democratic Party and a lawyer. mpmao@yahoo.com

SOURCE: AFRICA REVIEW