In Summary
Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe was officially inaugurated for his seventh term as president last Thursday.
Amid the pomp and fist-waving in Harare, Britain 
threw a belated but predictable jab, calling for an “independent 
investigation” into Zimbabwe’s election, a demand Mugabe ridiculed with 
gusto. Britain’s carping about Mugabe’s victory had earlier on been 
echoed by its quasi-colonial dependency, Australia.
Mercifully, Mugabe concentrated his barbs on 
Britain rather than Australia, which he once dismissed as “a nation of 
convicts who have no moral right to lecture anybody on rectitude”. About
 Australia’s history, at least. Mugabe was cruelly right. The country 
was founded as a penal colony for convicted British criminals.
Britain’s biggest fear of Mugabe is what he plans 
to do. True to his pre-election word, the Zimbabwean leader has vowed to
 intensify his “indigenisation” policy. The benchmark of this policy is 
to transfer to locals the controlling stakes in the key sectors of 
banking and mining. These historically have been driven by British 
firms. Mining is particularly critical.
Together with South Africa and the Democratic 
Republic of Congo, Zimbabwe has underneath its soil a wealth of rare 
minerals––chromium, platinum, uranium, diamonds, gold––which the West 
would be loath to see fall into Chinese hands.
In the nasty clash ahead, Mugabe clearly holds the
 strongest cards. Britain’s riposte that the royalties the mining 
companies pay are enough will not cut any ice. Minerals are a finite 
natural resource.
It is silly to insist that the country which is 
lucky to have them should allow free reign to their extraction and 
exploitation to private foreign firms as if such an investment was in, 
say, mobile telephone technology or fast food chains. Mining is too 
important for Zimbabwe to be left alone.
Certainly, Zimbabwe is not Botswana, or rather 
Mugabe is not anywhere near like his mixed-race neighbour, Ian Khama. It
 is instructive that this Botswana the West loves to praise so much for 
its good governance blah blah blah (it is the world’s leading producer 
of cut diamonds) is essentially governed by the De Beers company, an 
Anglo-American concern that controls a global diamond cartel. The 
Batswana are happy when they are thrown the handouts.
In itself, indigenisation is not a bad thing, much
 as the West is shouting it will spell doom for the Zimbabwean economy 
(it won’t). When I last read up about it, there were some very good 
points that could be said about it.
According to the Zimbabwe government, local 
employees of the multinational subsidiaries will take up 10 per cent of 
the company shareholding. Another 10 per cent will be reserved for the 
local community where a mine is situated.
The balance of 31 per cent ( to make the total of 
51 per cent majority shareholding) will go to something called the 
Indigenisation Fund which all Zimbabweans can buy into. Companies that 
bring something entirely new which Zimbabwe doesn’t have––like advanced 
technology–– will be allowed to retain 100 per cent shareholding.
The policy is, in fact, quite popular with rural 
communities, as was the earlier land redistribution programme. It was 
the shambolic implementation of the latter that was the problem.
In reality it is the urban and middle-class Zimbabweans who love
 to import their goodies from South Africa and overseas who have done 
well under the domination of their economy by multinational cartels. It 
is they who criticise indigenisation because they feel the pinch of 
Western sanctions.
Give it to Uncle Bob; he was clear-eyed enough to tell his countrymen not to expect the lifting of those sanctions.
source: The citizen
source: The citizen



